Banking Crisis? New Resolution Rules Drafted on Who Pays It

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When a bank collapses, the EU has decided taxpayers should be last in line, not a firstone. A sweeping overhaul of resolution rules rewrites the playbook for bank failures, bringing deposit protection, bail-in tools, and crisis financing into a single, more coherent framework.

April 20th, 2026Directive (EU) 2026/806 and Regulation (EU) 2026/808, both dated 30 March 2026, represent the most significant revision to the EU’s bank resolution framework since it was first built in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis. The Directive amends the Bank Recovery and Resolution Directive (BRRD, 2014/59/UE), while the Regulation amends the Single Resolution Mechanism Regulation (SRMR, 806/2014). Together, they address the Commission’s findings on that, despite years of preparation and significant resources devoted to resolvability, the resolution framework has rarely been used in practice. When banks fail, national governments have continued to reach for public funds rather than activating the sector-funded safety nets the framework was designed to make available.

The core diagnosis behind both texts is that the resolution framework contained perverse incentives, as outside resolution, access to public funding was usually structurally easier than within it. The rules that governed access to resolution financing mechanisms were much stricter than those governing ordinary insolvency, nudging authorities towards non-harmonised national solutions, which most often than not, involved taxpayer money, rather than resolution tools. This was especially pronounced for mid-sized and smaller deposit-funded banks that lacked sufficient bail-in buffers beyond deposits.

The two legislative acts address this in parallel, with the Directive applying to all EU member states, while the Regulation acts within the Banking Union, assigning specific roles to the Single Resolution Board (SRB) and adapting the rules to the institutional structure of the Single Resolution Mechanism (SRM).

The public interest test

One of the most contested aspects of the existing framework has been the “public interest assessment”, which is the gateway condition that determines whether a failing bank is placed into resolution or left to ordinary insolvency. Critics argued it had been applied inconsistently, with authorities frequently concluding that resolution was not in the public interest even for banks whose failure affected hundreds of thousands of depositors.

The revised Article 32(5) BRRD reframes the test. A resolution measure is not necessary in the public interest if no resolution objective is at risk under ordinary insolvency. However, if at least one objective is at risk, the test now requires authorities to ask whether insolvency would achieve those objectives more effectively than resolution. The previous formulation, which allowed a negative outcome on public interest grounds whenever insolvency appeared equally effective, is removed. Authorities must also, for the first time, explicitly compare the public funding that could reasonably be expected in either scenario. The preference for sector-funded safety nets over taxpayer funds is written directly into the objective of minimising reliance on extraordinary public financial support.

The SRB equivalent provision in the SRMR is also amended in mirror terms.

General depositor preference: a full harmonisation

Perhaps the structurally most significant change is the introduction of a universal depositor preference across all EU member states. Article 108 BRRD is rewritten to place all deposits, that is, not just covered deposits or those of natural persons and SMEs, above ordinary unsecured creditors in the insolvency hierarchy.

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Javier Iglesias
Javier Iglesiashttp://theunionreport.eu
Javier Iglesias holds an MA in International Studies and a BA in History, graduating with Honours from the University of Santiago de Compostela, Spain. He has previously worked in Brussels, at the International Office of the CEU Foundation, where he worked parallel to the work of the Union's institutions, most notably parliament. He also worked at the Spanish Embassy in Ankara, where he was involved in regulatory and political monitoring and reporting. He founded The Union Report in January 2026 while preparing for the Spanish diplomatic corps entrance examination, originally as a structured way to build and organise his own knowledge of EU regulatory output. What began as personal study notes has since grown into a publication open to anyone, including students, legal practitioners, or simply citizens trying to make sense of what Brussels actually produces.

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