The Biotech Act: An Even Field for Biotechnology

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While Europe’s scientists lead the world in biomedical research, its investors, regulators, and manufacturers certainly do not. The Biotech Act is the Commission’s attempt to fix all three at once.

Political context

A promise kept

When Ursula von der Leyen laid out her Political Guidelines for the 2024-2029 Commission back in July 2024, she made a rather precise and specific statement on biotechnology: “In order to make it easier to bring biotech from the laboratory to factory, and then onto the market, we will propose a new European Biotech Act in 2025″. This commitment, embedded in a document well known for its geopolitical framing, signalled that the Commission was well aware of the increasingly sluggish speed in a sector that, in the aftermath of the COVID pandemic, could not afford to cede.

The Biotech Act first arrived mid-December 2025, ahead of the Commission’s own work programme schedule, which expected it by Q3 of 2026. This acceleration is evidence of the newfound political priority bestowed by Brussels on biotechnology, which was reinforced by Mario Draghi’s September 2024 report on European competitiveness, which identified pharma and biotech as one of ten strategic sectors that required urgent investment. Another push came in the form of the Competitiveness Compass launched in January 2025, which acted as the Commission’s formal response to the Draghi diagnosis, but perhaps the greatest contributor to this urgency was Donald Trump’s pressures on pharma industry to raise drug prices in Europe mid-2025.

Whatever the case may be, one must note that the Act sits within a broader legislative cluster, aiming to improve the competitiveness of the pharmaceutical sector, including the Critical Medicines Act, the European Health Data Space, the Digital Omnibus package, or, to a minor degree, ongoing revisions on pharmaceutical legislation. As a matter of fact, a second Biotech Act, covering non-health biotechnology sectors, has already been announced for 2026, with the December 2025 proposal being framed as the first step on a two-stage strategy.

The Competitive Gap

The numbers that drove the legislation

Throughout the proposal’s explanatory memorandum, one can notice a set of figures that reflect a decade of accumulated structural disadvantage, justifying the Commission’s urgency:

VC Investment Gap — The Union Report
The Union Report  ·  European Biotech Act Deep Dive Europe’s venture capital gap in health biotechnology Total VC raised by biotech companies, 2015–mid 2025, and EU share of global health biotech VC investment
United States
€219 billion
European Union
€25B
EU global share
of health biotech VC
7%
of global total
US VC raised (2015–mid 2025)
EU VC raised (same period)
66 out of 67 EU biotech companies that went public (2019–2025) listed on non-EU stock exchanges

The most striking comparison is that of venture capital, as between 2015 and mid-2025, EU biotech companies raised €25 billion through this method of financing, against €219 billion for their US counterparts, which represents a gap of nearly nine to one. This, however, is not a reflection of scientific capacity, as the Union is home to a share of the top 10% most-cited biomedical research (19.2%) comparable to those of the US (19.4%) and China (26.7%), proving that the real faults are structural, and driven by underdeveloped public equity markets, fragmented regulatory environments, and overall slower approval timelines.

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Javier Iglesias
Javier Iglesiashttp://theunionreport.eu
Javier Iglesias holds an MA in International Studies and a BA in History, graduating with Honours from the University of Santiago de Compostela, Spain. He has previously worked in Brussels, at the International Office of the CEU Foundation, where he worked parallel to the work of the Union's institutions, most notably parliament. He also worked at the Spanish Embassy in Ankara, where he was involved in regulatory and political monitoring and reporting. He founded The Union Report in January 2026 while preparing for the Spanish diplomatic corps entrance examination, originally as a structured way to build and organise his own knowledge of EU regulatory output. What began as personal study notes has since grown into a publication open to anyone, including students, legal practitioners, or simply citizens trying to make sense of what Brussels actually produces.

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